One of the things that irritates me most about the debate on Zimbabwe is the persistent view of some Africanist academics that Mugabe is a misunderstood titan waging a sole post-colonial slash neo-liberal struggle against the evil forces of the capitalist West. Zanu PF's looting of the state, the cronyism which sees multiple farms go the favoured few, and the violence against opposition supporters is conveniently ignored. At the end of last year, Columbia professor Mahmood Mamdani, originally from Uganda, posited this view in a truly atrocious essay in the London Review of Books, in which he quoted, among others, Gideon Gono, the Reserve Bank governor, as authoritative sources to explain the state in which Zim finds itself. He also had a quite astonishing theory that what he termed the Ndebele-led trade union movement has been in opposition to the struggle of the Shona peasantry. One got the sense that Mamdani was writing about an imagined Zimbabwe.
The article naturally prompted a huge response from Zimscholars like Terence Ranger, Tim Scarnecchia and Jocelyn Alexander. Tim put together a superb response which was signed by 31 scholars and writers including Diana Jeater, Clapperton Mavhunga and my good friend Miles Tendi. I was also proud to be of that number. Below is an excerpt from the letter. For more, see
The London Review of Books._________________
For a number of scholars, Mahmood Mamdani’s ‘Lessons of Zimbabwe’ requires a further response, given Mamdani’s stature as a scholar and public intellectual. Some aspects of his argument are uncontroversial: there was a real demand for land redistribution – even the World Bank was calling for it in the late 1990s as the best way forward in Zimbabwe – and some of the Western powers’ original pronouncements and actions were hypocritical. There is a real danger, however, in simplifying the lessons of Zimbabwe. It isn’t just a matter of stark ethnic dichotomies, the urban-rural divide, or the part played by ‘the West’.
One of the more difficult tasks for scholars working on Zimbabwe is to convince peers working on other areas of Africa to look more deeply at the crisis and not to be fooled by Mugabe’s rhetoric of imperialist victimisation. Mamdani has, unfortunately, fallen in with this rhetoric by characterising Zimbabwean history and politics as fundamentally a battle between what he sees as an urban-based opposition, supported by the West, and a peasant-based ruling party besieged by external forces.
This flight of fantasy portrays Mugabe and his Zanu-PF cronies as heroes of a landless peasantry (which is how they see themselves) and the state – backed up by the paramilitary violence of war veterans and others – as the vanguard of a peasant revolution. We suggest that Mamdani acquaint himself with the large body of Zimbabwean scholarship, which is easily available, rather than selectively using the arguments of scholars such as Sam Moyo and Paris Yeros on land reform, and Gideon Gono, Mugabe’s Reserve Bank governor, as his source on sanctions. Citing Gono is rather like using Milton Obote’s writings as a source for conditions in Uganda in the 1960s and 1970s. A starting point for more informed scholarship is the recent Bulletin of the Association of Concerned Africa Scholars, found at http://concerned africascholars.org.